The idea of Indonesia joining BRICS came up more than a decade ago. Since 2011, analysts have proposed Indonesia as one of the candidates to join BRICS. Since 2011, Indonesia has participated in some BRICS meetings, and in the past two years, the issue of Indonesia's formal accession to BRICS has been revived and raised with the support of actors such as China. With the possibility of Indonesia joining BRICS increasing again in July 2023, Indonesia accepted the invitation to participate in the 2023 BRICS Summit. The President of this country. Joko Widodo, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and other Indonesian officials went to Johannesburg to participate in this summit. But, Indonesia did not show a serious desire to join BRICS. The question of this article is: Why Indonesia has no desire to join BRICS, despite its extensive economic, political and institutional capacities? The hypothesis is that Indonesia intends to become the fifth best economy in the world based on the 2045 plan. In order to achieve this goal, it should be in the framework of multilateralism and accept the principles and norms of the international system. To investigate this issue, which is done with the qualitative research method, first, the relationship between BRICS, Global South and Indonesia and the capacities that exist in BRICS for Indonesia will be discussed, and then the reasons for Indonesia not joining BRICS will be investigated.

The BRICS Alliance faces challenges in the realm of digital security, including the fight against terrorist crimes in the digital space. The misuse of digital platforms by terrorist groups for planning, communication, and propaganda threatens both the national security of BRICS member states and global security. By utilizing national and international legal capacities, BRICS member states can implement effective mechanisms such as multilateral legal cooperation, development of shared legal and legislative frameworks, and the establishment of international regulatory bodies. Technological sanctions are an effective tool for limiting terrorist groups' access to modern technologies and reducing digital threats. However, challenges such as political and economic conflicts of interest among BRICS members, legal differences in national systems, and the risk of human rights violations resulting from sanctions may reduce the effectiveness of these measures. This study, through a descriptive-analytical approach, aims to answer the question, "How can the BRICS Alliance, considering the divergences in the domestic laws of its member states, create a common legal and legislative framework to combat terrorist crimes in the digital space?” Furthermore, it seeks to answer the question, “To what extent can technological sanctions be effective in limiting the exploitation of digital platforms by terrorist groups?" The study emphasizes the importance of international coordination in strengthening anti-terrorism regulations on digital platforms and reducing digital threats.

Chinas an emerging power in the transitional period of post-cold war era, through improving its political and economic power, as well as by taking benefit of the existing various institutions particularly BRICS as an intercontinental political-economic coalition, has tried to develop its share of global power and to orient the global structure towards a multilateral, fair, just and balanced system. China as one of the most important and influential members of BRICS, has, due to its economic growth and political influence, a more favorable position in comparison with other members of this institution.In this regard, a question arises: why and how China has a strategic vision towards the BRICS? And the hypothesis is that in the framework of neo-liberal institutionalism theory, China is trying to act as a pivotal power in the transitional international system in order to establish a "balanced polycentric system" by reinforcing the economic and political cooperation through different multiregional institutions particularly BRICS.

The global economy is undergoing a paradigm shift, from a Western-dominated economic model to one that is more complex and multi-polar. The centres of consumption, production, and innovation are no longer concentrated solely in the Western economies, but are shifting to new emergence economies in different continents, specifically China, Russia, Brazil, and India, as well as South Africa, named BRICS. One of the central issues for the future of this new coalition is energy security. This concept is a top priority of policymakers not only in the West hemisphere, but also in countries of the economically emerging world in current and also coming decades. Worldwide demand for primary energy will increase in next years either and based on international forecasts, hydrocarbon will still be the dominant source of energy. Consequently, widespread energy relationships with other oil and gas-rich countries outside BRICS like OPEC, in general, and Iran, in particular, seems much more significant. The latter, as the second country throughout the world in terms of combined fossil reserves, benefits an outstanding geo-economic position. Obviously, Iran would be able to play a prominent role in this respect. So, this question could be raised that what are the main challenges, as well as opportunities for Iran and BRICS in any actual and potential interactions in energy field.

BRICS is an Alliance of five developing countries, Brazil, Russia, China, India and South Africa, which have reached the level of advanced countries in the international system. Considering their economic growth and economic power, these countries do not consider their share of the Bretton Woods institutions of the international economy to be appropriate for their economy, therefore they seek to reform the existing institutions of the international political economy. This article is descriptive and analytical using From the latest reliable international data, it has answered the question that how does the group want to change the order of the international political economy according to its expectations and expectations?The findings show that the BRICS group has had a great impact on international developments. During the transition from the hegemony of the United States to the multilateralist system in the international system, from 2008 until now, it has been able to change the structure and agenda of the major institutions representing the international order by putting the economy as the basis for change. Institution building parallel to the international order; increase its structural power and while strengthening its presence and influence in these institutions, increase multilateralism in some issues and move in the direction of creating its desired order.

With regard to the foreign policy of looking to the East, competing with the West and communicating with third world and developing countries, Iran is always interested in participating and being a member of regional and extra-regional organizations that the political system is not pessimistic about and that do not conflict with the principles of the Islamic Revolution. An opportunity is welcome. Using the theories of realism about the role, position and purpose of establishing international institutions and organizations, the present essay analyzes the structure, nature and position of the BRICS extra-regional group and analyzes Iran's membership in the BRICS group. The question of the current research is, what effects and consequences will Iran's membership in the BRICS group have for this country? According to the realist point of view, it is evident that BRICS is a balancing tool for China against American hegemony, but the Islamic Republic of Iran, by being a member of BRICS and accompanying the hegemony of China (and Russia) as a desirable partner against the dominant hegemony (America) while accompanying China in confronting the threat of American hegemony and the creation of a multipolar system, there are other benefits such as the development of relations with the South from East Asia to Africa and South America, the development of trade and regional exchanges (South), the development of civil and economic infrastructures, attracting foreign capital, energy exchanges and oil sales, lifting and neutralizing sanctions, and finally turning Abran into an international highway will benefit.